Saturday, August 4, 2012

The ethos of faith in Kerala


Religious life in Kerala is a powerful social force that works out in different equations and dominates most daily affairs, both in the rural countryside as well as the urban bustle. Amongst other things, it helps organise the voices of the multitudes while acting as a restraining presence which makes the role of the religious ethos an extremely complex one. Hence, travelling in Kerala implies within it a subtle negotiation with its many religious norms and practices while at the same time being circumscribed by the architectural beauty and representations of its religious edifices, which is a story that is broadly similar but also hugely different from other parts of the country. We bring you to Kerala in this piece because we believe that the co-existing set of faith systems and religious order forms a backbone to society that is most unique in India – this is perhaps most attributable to the density of the geography of the state and the nature of the competing interests of different strands of religious order.
Hinduism in Kerala flourishes amongst a large part of the population. While orthodox religious life is dominated by upper castes such as the Namboodiri Brahmins, the expansion of several Nair castes and Izhava castes shows the fluidity of Hindu thought. A lot of Theyyam devotees belong to either the Ezhava castes or to previously untouchable outcaste communities, thus lending the Theyyam cult a sense of mass popularity. Namboodiri Brahmins have historically cemented their social location as authorities on texts and religious rites and forms of worship – it is the formal Malayalam language today that bears the signs of Sankritised influences of the Namboodiri Brahmins. However, it is the many Nair sub castes that are of most interest to anyone interested in travelling in Kerala in order to understand its sociological undergrowth.
While some Nair castes (as well as some Ezhava castes) have been famously known to practice matrilineal forms of social organisation, called the marumakkathayam, where the husband has historically come to reside at the parental home of the wife and property has been passed downwards between women of successive generations, there are other sub-castes who have historically practised polygamy as well as strategic exercises in hypergamy – marrying into higher castes like the Namboodiris  in order to establish a significant social partnership as well as rise up the caste hierarchy. While this speaks volumes about the flexible nature of caste hierarchies in southern Asia, it also shows the ways in which the systemic logic of caste Hinduism proliferates. Social life and social spaces are mostly affected by such forms of sociological relations – where questions of gender and language become as prominent as the more everyday questions of movement and mobility.
Historians have been at pain to write the complicated histories of these communities for years now and recent scholarship has shed light on these and many other historical as well as contemporary realities. The Ambalavasis are one of the crucial examples of Nair castes which practice many of the carefully planned religious rituals and follow their own specific rules of social cohabitation.
Forms of direct manual labour such as toddy-tapping, weaving, farm labour and ship-making have been predominant occupations of the Ezhava castes. While their numbers have been large, they have had little role to play in the mainstream cultural formations of Malayali society. The reasons being obviously caste-marked, it is also important to mention that one of the most historic anti-caste struggles in Kerala was led by the Ezhavas – an event widely known as the Vaikom Satyagraha, which brought out the social segregation of spaces along caste lines as an issue and mobilised thousands against the ban on temple entry for Ezhavas and other low castes like the Pualayas.
One of the most prominent cultural roles the Ezhavas took up over time was the mastery of the kallari payyattu, the dance-like martial art form which draws thousands of visitors to every performance. However, it is during the fraught years of colonial rule that many from the Ezhava fold decided to convert to Christianity as a method of escaping the hierarchies of the Hindu caste order – the move meant a strong growth of Christianity in the hinterland of Kerala, although it is a pertinent question in contemporary times that caste has pervaded Christian religious practice as well and many lower castes are not considered fair equals within Malayali Christian societies.
The largest space after dominant Hindu religious orders is that of Islam. More than ten centuries of trade between Arabs and Malayali peoples has significantly aided the growth of Sunni Islam in Kerala, which in turn spawned new linguistic designs among those who attained a grasp of Persian along with Malayalam. Changes in the forms of language is common to every other district across the modern territory of India – however, in Kerala, the distinct influence of Persian makes its presence felt like no other place. While Muslims can also be socially understood to be following caste-marked patterns of interaction, the nature and the depth is yet to be discussed in detail in the works of modern historians and sociologists. Mappila muslims in Kerala are mostly involved in fishing and other small industrial activity. One of the most interesting things to watch is a Mappila wedding where the bridesmaids perform singular dance acts for the pleasure of the bride, which is commonly referred to as the Oppana.
Syrian Christians form another demographic community in Kerala. Followers of St. Thomas in terms of the lineage they trace, these communities found deeper roots with the blossoming of trade relations with the Portuguese traders in the Indian Ocean over the last five centuries. The famous church at Santa Cruz and other such landmarks around the state help organise the Christian community – these are also aided by the welfare work of the church and mission education. The profoundly Catholic faith system, gravitating around the symbology of St. Thomas’ Cross today, has distinct resemblances with its Semitic roots – the act of Baptism continues to carry its Aramaic name (mamodisa). While the Jewish influence was curbed significantly by Portuguese orthodoxy, it also holds true that the long history of the Assyrian culture was bound to sustain itself for longer. It is a pity nonetheless that most of the Jewish people of Kerala migrated to Israel in the last century, only to lead lives at the fringes of mainstream white Jewish society. They left behind a history of division based on colour – the older white Paradesi Jews refused to cohabit with those who were gradually converting – the dark-skinned Malabari Jews. However, the Paradesi Synagogue remains the oldest synagogue in this part of the world in a sober reality where the Jewish community in Kerala faces practical extinction.
While travelling in Kerala, one can also see forms of Jain religious organisation and other smaller faith systems as well. However, what is important for any well-meaning traveller is the sheer concentration of different faith systems across the landscapes, which vie with each other for sustenance and yet coexist in order to shape the everyday of Malayali society. All along the subcontinent, there are different religious mores but it is in Kerala where the density and the compactness of such life is most visible. It is meant to be both educative as well as thrilling for a visitor as he or she travels through the region – witnessing the myriad ways in which the public sphere is influenced by religious thought and faith systems. What may seem superficially suffocating and looming is perhaps what is most interesting about Kerala – its ethos of faiths.

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